Europe

This Week in News

This Week in News is the EastWest Institute's weekly roundup of international affairs articles relevant to its areas of work. 

China, the Abnormal Power,” by Yukon Huang. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. March 5.

"A Russian 'Frenemy'," by Leon Aron. Los Angeles Times. March 5.

"Obama's Nuclear Future: The Battle to Reduce the U.S. Nuclear Stockpile Begins," Foreign Affairs, March 6.

China navy seeks to 'wear out' Japanese ships in disputed waters,” Reuters. March 6.

"Holder says Obama plans to explain drone policy," The Washington Post. March 6.

North Korea Warns of Pre-emptive Nuclear Attack,” The New York Times. March 7.

"U.N. Security Council approves new sanctions against North Korea," The Washington Post. March 7.

Follow EWI on Twitter @EWInstitute for continuing news updates.

Louise Richardson Considers the Educational Toll of Scottish Independence

In an interview with London's The Times, EWI Board Member Louise Richardson, Principal and Vice-Chancellor of the University of St. Andrews, expressed concerns over the potential impact of Scottish independence on higher education.

"If we were cut off from national research councils, it would be catastrophic for this institution," said Richardson. "We would lose our top academics. We would fail to attract serious academics."

In addition to restricting access to research funds, Richardson maintained that independence might result in an increase of political influence in allocating university funds within Scotland.

Click here to read the full report at BBC.

John Mroz: "The World is Doing Much Better than One Year Ago."

In a recent interview with Slovenia's Delo, EWI president John Mroz discussed a range of issues including cybersecurity, energy resources, and recent international conflicts. The interview was conducted following a panel session Mroz moderated at the 2013 Munich Security Conference on February 2.

Click here to access the original interview text in Slovenian.

Among more than 400 participants of this year’s Munich Security Conference there are 11 heads of states or governments, 43 foreign ministers and 20 defense ministers. Has this high concentration of global decision-makers brought any good?

At a conference such as this one in Munich, which is the biggest security conference in the world, the most important thing is to capture the general sense of how good or bad the current situation is. Last year it was genuinely depressing, people were not enthusiastic – today it’s much better, although they are not naively positive either. The world is doing much better than one year ago.

 

But now we have wars – in Syria, Mali…

There will always be wars, and although what’s going on in Mali is terrible, a collapse of the Eurozone would have been something totally different. People are now much more optimistic and eager to cooperate. It’s true that the UN Security Council can’t take action on Syria, but the real concerns are elsewhere. I led a debate on cybersecurity in which we all agreed that the threats are higher than one year ago. In some areas the situation is worse, but if we take everything into account, the overall environment is much better, especially in Europe.

 

If we stay on Syria and Iran for a moment – how should we observe the Russian foreign minister’s meeting with Syrian opposition leaders?

Lavrov’s meeting with the opposition is a dramatic move, yet what is even more dramatic is that the opposition leader also met with the Iranian foreign minister. It’s exactly why these conferences are important – a lot is going on in the background, leaders meet day and night.

 

U.S. Vice President Joe Biden said in Munich that international politics can get personal. Do you see any shifts in the U.S. foreign policy as President Obama begins his second term?

Vice President Biden was careful not to announce anything big before President Obama outlines his big foreign policy plans for next four years in his State of the Union address. There are some hints, though – climate change will certainly be one big theme of Obama’s second term.

 

Another important topic at the Munich conference was the new technologies of shale oil and gas extraction. As America ends its reliance on imported fossil fuels, and even becomes a major exporter, how will all this change international relations?

Many countries will be affected – Russia will bear strong consequences. Russia has so far influenced the prices with its long-term contracts, but its global economic position is about to change dramatically. Nobody knows how this is going to look like in the end, but the situation is going to be much, much different.

 

How about China?

Chinese leadership is under intense domestic pressure; there’s widespread corruption, a huge emerging middle class that demands clear air and clean water, millions of people still living in poverty. They are facing very difficult challenges – Chinese leaders have their hands full.

 

At the conference you led a discussion on fighting crime or even war in cyberspace, just as the leading U.S. newspapers accused China for launching cyber attacks as retaliation for their reports on the Chinese prime minister’s family fortune.

Yes, the Washington Post, New York Times and Wall Street Journal all complained about the attacks. There’s a lot going on on the Internet, but cyber crime is still the greatest challenge. It all starts with individuals – how smart we are with our passwords; how often do we change them, how complex they are;do we use one password multiple times. If we go further to companies, organizations and governments, there’s no cyber warfare, but a lot of industrial espionage going on, not just by Russians and Chinese. Democratic countries are in the game, too: Israelis, French, we Americans. But it all gets back to individuals – your computer gets infected with a virus and, while you go to the kitchen for a cup of coffee, for example, the organized criminals take control over your computer; this trend is really dangerous.

 

Your organization, the EastWest Institute, aims to build trust and solve problems in international relations. Are you succeeding?

Building trust is about dealing with other human beings. If you need somebody, you automatically want to trust that person. If it is somebody from a different culture, religion or ethnic group, acquiring trust takes a little bit longer. If there is bad experience involved, then building trust takes even more effort. Trust-building is a long process that doesn’t depend just on a presumption that you are a good person and therefore I want to trust you. Building trust is a two way street, where we have to work together. In cybersecurity we work in this way with the Chinese on spam. Two thirds of all emails are spam, large number carry viruses, so we are delivering global standards to fight spam.

 

What are your other projects?

A lot of them deal with water and food security, on the issue of water in Africa, we worked together with the French G20 presidency. Climate change has dramatic impact on water resources, threatening wars and mass migration of people. We deal with this in Central Asia as well, in the Amu Darya basin, which involves 5 countries, including Afghanistan. Once there were rumors of war, now they work together on better management of river flow, etc. The same process is going on between Egypt and Ethiopia. In very practical terms, we did in the Amu Darya basin what we used to do in the Balkans: we brought together people that can help and we focused on practical issues of deforestation and erosion of river basins. These are small things, but it is how you build trust and change people’s mindsets. It’s a hard work that you can’t do at a conference, but somebody has to do it.

 

Clear air and clean water have impact on clean environment. What about fracking, which wall also talked about? Many Europeans reject the idea, because of strong chemicals involved.

There are arguments for and against. In my country, the U.S., the level of pollution went down to 1982 figures, almost exclusively because we replaced coal with gas. Gas has side effects as well, but nothing compared to coal. Imagine, therefore, if China could replace a third of their coal based power plants with gas. The biggest problem is water, because fracking requires a lot of water mixed with chemicals. In five years, new technologies will emerge that will require smaller amounts of water and no chemicals at all, which will make shale oil and gas extraction environmentally friendly. Shale fossil fuel resources are not found just in America, but China, Ukraine, Poland, Argentina, Brazil and Chile. This is a game-changer.

 

Years ago, you used to work in Western Balkans. What would you say about the border dispute between Slovenia and Croatia?

The EastWest Institute goes where the situation is toughest, where there is an imminent threat of war: there’s nothing like that between Slovenia and Croatia. A lot depends on the political will, but also on the people, that must say: “That’s enough!” Just when I look at the European economy, and then look at the issue of Cyprus, I think: how ridiculous is that! Let’s resolve this and focus of economic growth.

 

For Slovenians, however, the access to international waters is a very important issue.

That is something else, that is part of history and should be addressed. I believe that the people should be more vocal in demanding that these open issues should be resolved. However, it is true that nationalism is growing nowadays. Everywhere – in Japan, Korea, China, as well as in Europe. It’s one of the effects of globalization, people are more nationalistic, which makes the problems, like the border one that you mentioned, harder to resolve.

 

Are you afraid of new currency wars?

No, people might be more nationalistic but they are not mindless to shoot themselves in the foot. I don’t think it will come to that. Many people around the world are aware of everything that Europeans had to undertake. Faced with the crisi, they understood the difficult decisions that had to be made; even in Greece the level of unrest was not that high.

_

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A Bold, Dramatic Step

Pope Benedict XVI's papacy has not been known for stellar moments, yet he is ending it with a stellar action. By surprising not just his Catholic brethren but the whole world with his resignation—something that no pope has done since Gregory XII stepped down in 1415—the 85-year-old Benedict has instantly assured himself an elevated place in history. This fundamentally conservative pope has taken a bold step that is truly exemplary. Not only his successors but any number of religious and secular leaders would do well to keep his precedent in mind as they contemplate how long they should stay in office.

It is impossible to view Benedict's decision in isolation from the waning years of his predecessor, John Paul II. Unlike Benedict, who was 78 when he was elected, the Polish pope took office in 1978 at the sprightly age of 58, allowing him to continue skiing, swimming and hiking—and to break all travel records with his 104 foreign trips. But during the last years of his papacy, John Paul was so weakened by his assorted ailments that his public appearances were often painful to watch. Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, the future pope who was right by his side, observed his physical decline on a daily basis.

As Cardinal Stanislaw Dziwisz, who served as the Polish pope's private secretary, revealed in his memoirs in 2007, John Paul considered resigning in 2000. But that was a largely taboo subject at the time. In a 2002 article for Newsweek, I argued that the Polish pope should take this unprecedented step, explaining that it would only add to his remarkable accomplishments that I had been privileged to cover during the early years of his papacy. The Vatican dismissed any such suggestion. Yet clearly Benedict has had plenty of time to reflect on the virtues of deciding when to end a papacy.

Benedict's reign was never expected to be groundbreaking. He certainly realized that he could not aspire to play the same historic role as his predecessor, who was a key player in the collapse of communism in his native Poland and elsewhere, and whose charisma and seemingly boundless energy broadened the church's appeal far beyond the traditional Christian Western world and to young people everywhere.

In many ways Benedict lived up—or down—to expectations, and his reign of less than eight years will be seen mostly as a bridge between the electrifying John Paul and whomever is elected to the papacy next month. His doctrinal conservatism was no surprise on issues like gay marriage, but his harsh rebukes of those who were perceived to have strayed did startle and alienate some of his followers, especially in the United States. The Vatican's report last year denouncing American nuns for promoting "radical feminist themes incompatible with the Catholic faith" went beyond the general protection of orthodoxy to a frontal attack.

Yet it would be a mistake to view Benedict as only clinging to dogmas many Catholics no longer can fully accept. Despite the church's dismal record of covering up child abuse by priests, and recent questions about the future pontiff's opposition to defrocking one such priest in 1985, Benedict was the first pope to both recognize the damage of this procession of scandals and to apologize for them, meeting with victims and introducing new procedures. This was hardly enough to satisfy the need for a full accounting, but it was an important first step nonetheless.

Benedict also built on his predecessor's accomplishments. He displayed as much sensitivity as John Paul famously did in reaching out to the victims of the Holocaust. On a visit to Auschwitz in 2006, Benedict agonized aloud about the difficulty of saying the right thing: "To speak in this place of horror, in this place where unprecedented mass crimes were committed against God and man, is almost impossible—and it is particularly difficult and troubling for a Christian, for a Pope from Germany." He was acutely conscious of the fact that, as he put it, he was "a son of the German people."

In terms of travel, Benedict did more than expected, embarking on 24 foreign trips, touching down in countries as disparate as the U.S., Brazil, Cameroon, Lebanon and Israel. In 2006, he provoked a backlash with a highly academic speech on Christianity and Islam, which quoted a Byzantine Christian emperor's remarks declaring: "Show me just what Muhammad brought that was new, and there you will find things only evil and inhuman, such as his command to spread by the sword the faith he preached."

The Vatican quickly pointed out that Benedict wasn't endorsing those statements but making "a clear and radical rejection of the religious motivation for violence, from whatever side it may come." Given the hypersensitivities of our era, there is no doubt that the pope could have done a better job explaining that in his speech—but his underlying message was right on target.

Overshadowed by his predecessor in so many ways, Benedict often failed to get credit for the fact that he, too, could handle several languages comfortably—and deliver papal greetings in many more. Just this past October in Rome, he offered brief greetings from St. Peter's in Arabic for the first time. Of course, the step was largely symbolic, as were some of his other attempts to show his ability to change with the times. Since the Vatican announced a Twitter account in his name two months ago, @Pontifex has generated all of 34 tweets—but garnered more than 1.5 million followers.

Benedict's papacy never shook the perception that he was presiding over an unremarkable period in the life of the church. Now, though, with one dramatic decision he has changed his place in history—and perhaps he will change how those who hold high office without term limits see their own futures. It's worth remembering that in 1966 Pope Paul VI introduced a retirement age of 75 for bishops and archbishops. If the U.S. Senate had a similar rule, 10 of its current members would have retired by now.

By stepping down, Benedict is teaching us all about recognizing one's own limits at a time when more people than ever are living to a very old age. It isn't the number of years that matters as much as the energy and capabilities each of us has left. And there can be no greater tribute to the institution a leader serves than recognizing when the moment to step down is here. That's exactly what Benedict will be remembered for.

Photo credit: Catholic Church (England and Wales)

EWI Fellow Danila Bochkarev Quoted by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty

In a recent interview, EWI fellow Danila Bochkarev said that shale gas and other unconventional forms of natural gas could play a big role in Ukraine's future. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty reports that Ukraine is expected to sign a production-sharing agreement (PSA) with oil major Royal Dutch Shell worth an estimated $10 billion to develop the Yuzivska shale gas field, reducing its energy dependence on Russia.

Commenting on the value of shale gas and similar energy alternatives, Bochkarev held that they "can be quite an important source of natural gas and energy for the country."

Click here to read the article in full at Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.

Bochkarev has recently published an EWI report on energy security solutions, available here.

Andrew Nagorski discusses Hitlerland at the American Historical Association

On January 5th, EWI Vice President Andrew Nagorksi discussed his book Hitlerland: American Eyewitnesses to the Nazi Rise to Power at a panel session during the annual meeting of the American Historical Association in New Orleans.

The event was part of a series entitled Historians, Journalists and the Challenges of Getting it Right, produced by the Norman Lear Center at USC Annenberg and the American Historical Association's National History Center.

In addition to Nagorski, the session, entitled The Jews of Europe Before the Second World War, featured: Ann Millin of the Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies; Bernard Wasserstein of the University of Chicago; The Atlantic's Geoffrey Wheatcroft; and Marty Kaplan, director of the Lear Center.

Click here to read a transcript of the discussion.

 

Andrew Nagorski Presented With Tikkun Olam Award

Andrew Nagorski, EWI vice president and director of public policy, was awarded with a Tikkun Olam award from Haiti Holocaust Survivors, an organization seeking to explore the Haiti Jewish refugee experience by connecting with those who fled Europe to found safe haven in Haiti, as well as their descendants.The award, named for a Jewish phrase meaning "repairing the world," seeks to recognize a variety of individuals who have worked towards this end.

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